It happens once a year, when the leaves turn, the weather changes and kids head back to school. Working Mother magazine publishes its “100 Best Companies for working mothers” list. Before the glossy, 200-page, multimillion-dollar brochure hits the stands in October, the flurry of press releases covers the Internet in September as fallen leaves blanket the ground. Working Mother sends press releases with its list, quotes and information. The companies identified as the “100 best” send more press releases – with the same quotes and same information. Hundreds of newspapers dutifully rake them up and publish the same list, quotes and information without even a glance.
Are any of these companies really “best” for working mothers? Who knows? The magazine does not base its list on input from employees. Instead, it uses information supplied by company representatives/advertisers. While an independent survey-research firm collects information from companies trying to make the list, the magazine’s editorial staff “finalizes” the list.
Of the 100 companies, almost all are advertisers with the magazine, its parent company, Working Mother Media and its WorkLife Congress, and its organization, the National Association of Female Executives. The October 2006 issue includes ads from 64 of the companies. Of those, 55 are full-page ads, and one is an inside front cover.
Where is the conflict-of-interest disclosure?
According to a code of ethics for journalism, the magazine and its staff should “avoid conflicts of interest, real or perceived” or “disclose unavoidable conflicts” and “deny favored treatment to advertisers and special interests and resist their pressure to influence news coverage.” Journalists should also “remain free of associations and activities that may compromise integrity or damage credibility” and “… shun … service in community organizations if they compromise journalistic integrity.” (Working Mother CEO Carol Evans serves on the board of directors for a national organization with representatives from several of the “100 best.”)
Many of the “100 best” are multinational corporations with offices throughout the world. A quarter of the companies have offices in Norway and Sweden, two countries with some of the most comprehensive and generous benefits in the world. An employee (mother or father) for XYZ Corp. in Norway gets at least a year of paid leave shared by both parents. A female employee at that same company in the United States might get six weeks of paid maternity leave and a lactation room at work. A male employee might get up to five days off. If it is such a hardship for companies to offer benefits in the United States – as business groups and their lobbyists claim when fighting against employee-benefits legislation – why are they able to provide these benefits to employees in Norway and Sweden?
Let’s explore the meaning of “hardship.” At least a dozen executives from the “100 best” appear on the Forbes Richest Americans list, meaning they earn at least $1 billion a year. Forty “100 best” CEOs also made the Forbes Top CEO Compensation list, starting at $249 million a year. Six of the “100 best” appear on the Forbes Largest Private Companies list, with earnings starting at $21.3 billion a year. Fifty appear on Forbes 2000, a comprehensive list of the world’s biggest and most powerful companies. The top three are “100 best” companies, with market values of $230.93 billion, $348.45 billion and $184.17 billion.
Executives from five of the “100 best” are on U.S. Chamber of Commerce board of directors. Most of the “100 best” are members of local or state chambers of commerce, many of which are members of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which spent $38.9 million on lobbying in 2005 and $53.4 million in 2004. Key issues for the national chamber are blocking efforts to raise the minimum wage and revising the Family and Medical Leave Act.
So, for example, we have a “100 best” company, whose market value is $279 billion. It’s run by the richest American, earning $53 billion a year (that’s about $25 million an hour, give or take), and the fifth-richest American, earning $16 billion a year and the proud owner of a 413-foot yacht with two helicopters and a 60-foot submarine. Through business affiliations and a strong lobbying force, they fight the “hardship” of paying employees more than $5.15 an hour.
What kinds of benefits do the “100 best” offer?
One pharmaceutical company offers four lactation rooms in its Pittsburgh “office campus.” The campus has 16 buildings and more than 500 female employees. And four lactation rooms. The company has more than 16,000 employees worldwide and 55 locations in the United States and Puerto Rico. And four lactation rooms. In Pittsburgh. A Pennsylvania county health department awarded this company for being “breastfeeding friendly,” saying, “Studies show babies derive greater health benefits when breastfed for six months or longer.” How many employees use the lactation rooms at this company? How many can? Besides, if it’s best to breastfeed for six months, why doesn’t this “breastfeeding friendly” company offer six months of paid maternity leave instead of six weeks?
Another pharmaceutical company has one on-site daycare center at its headquarters office, yet it has more than 28,000 employees in 11 U.S. locations and dozens of countries around the world. A communications company offers two on-site daycare centers, yet it has more than 200,000 employees in 15 states.
The only criterion for determining who makes the “100 best” list, apparently, is the information each company provides about itself for the magazine’s survey. If this list were more than a pay-for-play marketing piece, one might believe that some of the following information would be grounds for ruling out certain companies. At the very least, one would like to believe that this information would be discovered and disclosed in the name of quality journalism.
The investment and the financial-services companies paid more than $1 billion for lawsuits for unpaid overtime, retaliation firings, hostile work environments and sex discrimination. (Interestingly, a reporter who wrote an article for Working Mother’s October 2006 issue opened an article for Inc.com in 2005 with the $54 million lawsuit. Granted, she was writing about three other companies in the Working Mother article, but it would be interesting to know if she mentioned the lawsuit to the magazine’s editors.) According to a June 24, 2006, Toronto Star article, the company faced two more lawsuits; one filed in Washington federal court on behalf of six named plaintiffs in four states and all female advisers who worked at the brokerage since 2003; another filed as a separate class-action gender-discrimination in California.
Two of the lawsuits resulted in court-ordered judgments. A federal jury awarded a former financial-services employee $29 million for sex discrimination and retaliation firing. A London court awarded $1.6 million in 2006 to an employee at a bank with a hostile work environment. (The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission also censured the bank in 2006 for evidence of gender discrimination.)
The two automakers have paid millions of dollars in settlements for disability discrimination, hostile work environment, hiring discrimination, sexual harassment and racial harassment.
Three technology companies are under scrutiny for widespread discrimination, sexual harassment, low wages, employment instability and lack of trade-union freedom for employees in the electronics industry in Mexico. Executives for one of these companies face felony conspiracy and identity-theft charges in a boardroom spying scandal that began to unfold last year. Another company is in court for a sex-discrimination lawsuit filed in 2005 by a fired female executive.
A food company is “focused on flexibility,” according to the list, but during a recent restructuring, flex schedules were the first to go. According to a Nov. 6, 2006, article by Advertising Age, “some part-timers were asked to go full time or be shown the door, and most of them chose to leave.”
A health-care company paid a $4.05 million settlement in 2003 for a retaliation firing of an employee trying to prevent sexual harassment.
The Environmental Protection Agency fined a chemical company $16.5 million in 2005 for withholding information about chemical exposure. A Florida Supreme Court upheld a verdict for a woman whose child was exposed to chemicals while she was pregnant, and the company paid the child $4 million in 2003. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration cited the company several times for not reporting worker injuries properly. The company also paid a $343 million settlement in 2004 for contaminated drinking water.
A pharmaceutical company was pressured by a human-rights organization to stop child-labor practices in India. It and other “100 best” transnational companies were accused by an international development agency and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development of failing to follow guidelines for child labor, women’s rights, labor rights, health and safety and ultimately failing to resolve complaints against them.
The EEOC obtained a $487,500 judgment from another pharmaceutical company for sexual harassment and retaliation firings. A former pharmaceutical-company executive went to prison for price-fixing. He paid a $50,000 fine, and the company paid a $66 million fine. Criminal investigations, settlements and fines cost another pharmaceutical company more than $1 billion.
Another pharmaceutical company funded a drug study of 300 poor, black and Hispanic pregnant women in Dallas, giving 168 of them placebos, which raised the need for C-sections when they gave birth.
Sales representatives sued a pharmaceutical company for $225 million for unpaid overtime. Twelve female employees sued in 2005 for sex discrimination, including lower pay and fewer promotions. Two employees were refused access to the company’s management-development program after taking maternity leave. The plaintiffs’ lawyer said the company’s policies looked good on paper but were quite different in practice, saying, “As soon as a woman indicates that she’s planning to become a mother, her male supervisors start pushing her toward the exit.” A company representative responded to allegations of discrimination by citing the company’s appearance on the Working Mother “100 best” list.
That’s where the rubber hits the road. When companies start using their placement on the “100 best” list to defend their policies, it becomes important to establish the credibility of this list. Not only do the “100 best” bombard the media with press releases about being on the list, they publish it in their annual reports, they spend more advertising dollars to entice potential employees, and they spend more hours completing next year’s survey.
Are any of these companies “best” for working mothers? Maybe, but nobody will really know until someone talks to the mothers who work for them – not just the ones with access to a lactation room or an on-site daycare center – and spends more time delving deeper than the company PR kit.
− Becky Kruse